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LIFESTYLE AND ECOLOGY

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The Mukkuv¡r...

A Fishing Community

G. John Samuel

Every human has to pass through the stages of childhood, adolescence, adulthood and old age. Along with these comes a succession of roles. Apart from the economic role of bread-winner, man has to play the roles of son, brother, husband, father, etc.; which woman, the custodian of the home, has to play the roles of daughter, sister, wife, mother, daughter-in-law, etc. These roles among the Mukkuv¡r are discussed in this section, along with many associated rituals, folkways, modes and customs. The passage from one to another of these stages is marked by rituals that are indicative of social acceptance and are termed life-cycle rituals.

Arnold Van Gennep, in his The Rites of Passage, establishes three stages in every ritual connected with birth, marriage, death, etc. Although the complete scheme of rites of passage theroretically includes preliminal rites (rites of separation), liminal rites (rites of transition), and postliminal rites (rites of incorporation), in specific instances these three types are not always equally important or equally eleborated (Van Gennep 1977: 11).

BIRTH

The Mukkuv¡r perform many rituals before and after childbirth. The first prenatal ritual is usually performed during the seventh month of pregnancy, when the woman is taken to her mother’s place. (Usually the first two deliveries are attended to by the mother’s family and in her house). This ritual in the seventh month of pregnancy is a very common one among many ethnic groups. This is usually done on an auspicious day in the man’s house, relatives being invited. The woman’s parents and their close relatives bring sweets and other eatables. Her mother hands the sweets to the man’s mother. The womenfolk, specially the husband’s sisters, put new bangles on the pregnant woman and give her sweets. All the relatives are then entertained to a feast. Finally the pregnant woman is taken to her mother’s place at an auspicious time, being blessed by all the relatives present. Neither her husband nor any other relatives from his side accompany her. The Mukkuv¡r observe a good many taboos and restrictions during pregnancy. Pregnant women are not allowed to eat horse gram, eggs, palmyra fruit or root, pumpkin, papaya, peas, and other things whose consumption is thought to harm the child in the womb. They are not allowed outdoors after dusk or during eclipses. They are prevented from seeing lightning. Such taboos and restrictions are found among many communities in Tamil Nadu. The Mukkuv¡r give adequate care to expectant mothers. The taboos prescribed do not suggest a total separation from the rest of the family.

The Mukkuv¡r have begun to take pregnant women to hospitals for delivery, though the conventional practice is to have births at home. There are midwives in whom the Mukkuv¡r have confidence. Natal or infant mortality are rarely reported.

The new-born is welcomed with some rituals. All women who attended the mother have oil baths. The new-born is bathed and its maternal grandmother hands it to its paternal grandmother or aunt. The lady performs the ceremony of the ‘first feed’ (senai £ttal) by touching the tip of the baby’s tongue with a solution of jaggery and onion. The umbilical cord is usually buried very carefully to ensure that it is not eaten by dogs, which is considered a bad omen. The soiled clothes and bedding are given to the washerman of the village, who claims this as a traditional right.

The mother of the new-born is also given a bath and, immediately after the bath, hot food with arrack, fish curry, etc. She is also given, every morning, for about ten days, a preparation of pepper, dried ginger, garlic and a few spices, with jaggery, as a post-delivery prophylactic.

The normal period of childbed pollution extends from 12 to 41 days. After her delivery a woman is not allowed to mix freely or to move all about the home. On the twelfth day her mother brings a pot of water from the sea and bathes her. This is considered to purify her, and after it she is permitted to move about in her home. However, she is not allowed into the kitchen. On the fifteenth day her mother takes her, early in the morning, to bathe in a pond. After this bath, she is presented with a new saree by her mother. The wearing of this new saree is indicative of the ringing in of a new life, of motherhood. She is permitted to resume her normal household chores only after the lapse of forty-one days.

The new-born too is the subject of rituals. On the fourth or fifth day after its arrival, the baby is put in a decorated cradle by its maternal uncle. On the twenty-eighth day a thread is tied around the waist of the baby. This is of gold or silver, when people can afford it, or else of cotton.

Usually after 41 days the mother and the baby are taken back to her husband’s place. This again involves a ritual, when the husband’s family formally come to invite them with articles like rice. The mother and the baby are received at their place with all gaiety and joy. There is usually a return feast to the girl’s parents and the small group of relatives who accompany them.

A woman thus passes through separation, transition and incorporation, as described by Van Gennep. Baptism is the ceremony which terminates the process of absorption. This is a happy occasion among the Mukkuv¡r. The new-born is given presents and gifts. These rituals signify the acceptance of the child into society. Kodanda Rao alludes to a similar practice among the Jalari, a fishing community in Andhra Pradesh.

The transition of the new-born from a state of pollution to incorporation into the social environment does not confer on it membership of the family into which it is born. The social and spiritual significance of the new-born child is recognized when it is ritually given a name and formally incorporated into the family. This formal incorporation signifies the social acceptance of its father, mother and other kin, as the kinship bonds between the child and others are ceremoniously established (Kodanda Rao 1990: 40-41).

PUBERTY RITE

Puberty, the onset of the menstrual cycle among girls, is associated with many rituals, taboos and restrictions. While this phenomenon indicates a transition from childhood to adolescence, socially it suggests the girl’s responsibilities as a marriageable damsel. The Mukkuv¡r generally marry off their daughters soon after puberty. Age at marriage varies from 12 to 18 years.

Puberty is normally associated with joy and happiness. The rituals are held on the 3rd, 5th, 7th, 9th or 16th day of the girl’s attaining puberty. Her paternal aunts and maternal uncle’s wives have an important role in such rituals. They are the ones who are first informed by the girl’s mother. The aunts visit the house immediately with some sweets. Normally on the third day the girl is removed from the house and taken by the aunts to a separate hut made for the purpose after an oil bath. The aunts as well as the girl are given sweets. The oil bath and the distribution of sweets are repeated on the 5th and 7th days. On the seventh day, her paternal aunt (father’s sister) gives the girl a half saree, which indicates to others the attainment of puberty. The rituals may have a scientific basis. This period of a week or so is one of stress, fear, fatigue, tension and physical debility. By making it a ritual, the parents and relatives give the girl a diet rich in protein, like eggs, gingelly oil, sweets made of black gram, dhall, etc. Coconut and its milk form an inevitable part of the girl’s diet.

Isolation in a separate hut formed out of green coconut leaves suggests a primitive practice, when the Mother Goddess, a symbol of energy and power, was associated with red and was feared so much that a special abode was created for her. The menarche may be considered an indication of the Mother goddess, so that the girl is accorded the same fear and respect.

But there is also another version. The girl is isolated. There are many taboos on her. She is not permitted to mix with the rest of the family. Her movement is highly restricted. She is not permitted to leave the hut into which she is ritualistically ushered, except for calls of nature. When she has to go out in the evenings she is excepted to carry an iron rod to dispel any evil spirits. Then again there are taboos on her food. She is not given green plantain, pumpkin, excessive water, jaggery, etc. Frazer gives a detailed account of these taboos and establishes that these rituals are observed on the principle of "imitative magic". The fluid out of pumpkin, raw plantain, jaggery, etc., resembles menstrual fluid in colour.

On the 16th day, all relatives and friends are informed about the onset of puberty and the isolation and are invited for a feast. On completion of ritualistic formalities the girl is given presents and the guests are feasted.

The same rituals are repeated during later manstrual periods. Separation, transition and incorporation are seen in these rituals. The girl passes through the stage of separation during the first seven days. Transition occurs through the ritual on the seventh day; and incorporation is through the ceremony on the eighth sixteenth day. The rituals have a social bearing in giving importance to aunts as a girl among the Mukkuv¡r is normally married to an uncle’s or aunt’s son. These cousins have a right to marry them. When girls are married to ‘outrsiders’, the cousins are compensated with a gold ring. Only then may the couple enter their new household. The ritual is called "prevention of entry" (v¡cal mariyal) (Shiva Subramaniam 1969: 291–7).

During menstruation "monthly sickness" Mukkuv¡r women observe many taboos. They are not permitted to enter the kitchen. The Mukkuv¡r are very firm about preventing women from going to the sea during menstruation. They fear that the sea might be polluted and the catch become scanty. They do not even allow menstruating women to touch fishing implements. An identical belief is held among other communities in Kanyakumari District. Women considered to be polluting are not allowed to touch seed or go near a seed bed, not permitted in a kitchen, and not allowed to coagulate milk to form curd. Such taboos are not imposed upon married women in certain communities in these tracts. On the other hand, in some parts of Tamil Nadu there are beliefs that are quite contrary to these. In the Annamalais region, Pollachi Taluk, unmarried girls are made to run around agricultural land during their menstrual periods in the belief that this will enhance the yield. Menstruation is associated with fertility (Selvaracu 1983: 119–20). In Kilappav£r village in Tirunelveli District, the people believe that if menstruating girls plant trees or give seeds for sowing, the yield will perceptibly increase (Josephine Violet Rani 1985:55).

In Kerala, the Bagavathiamman temple at Chenganur conducts a purification ceremony almost every month, in the belief that the goddess is also subjected to this cycle. The fourth day is supposed to be a day of purification, called tirup£rattu. The idol is taken back into the sanctum sanctorum only after this ceremony every month (Nagam Aiya 1906: 89–90). The practice has been observed in Assam as well. In the temple of the goddess Kamarupa, no idol is found except a stone with a symbolic vaginal form. It is believed that the goddess’ cycle coincides with the full moon, and the sanctum sanctorum is closed for three days at that time. (Bhattacharya 1977: 30).

MARRIAGE

Marriages among the Mukkuv¡r are arranged among the parents of the boys and girls or through their relatives. No marriage brokers are encouraged to arrange marriages. Social events like marriages, temple festivals and other functions enable parents to see potential matches. The Mukkuv¡r believe in arranging all aspects of marriages through discussion. Demands for jewels, cash, etc., settled beforehand by both sets of parents in the presence of a few relatives.

The engagement usually takes place on a mutually agreed auspicious day. This gains social acceptance for the marriage, or recognition by the laity. It is followed by religious recognition by the parish priest in the form of v¡rtha p¡¶u.

The engagement ceremony is usually held in the boy’s house. The girl’s party, consisting of her father, grandfather, father’s brothers and uncles, visits the boy’s house on a pre-arranged auspicious day. Women generally do not accompany them. It is the privilege of the boy’s father to ask the girl’s father the purpose of their visit and thus set the ball rolling. The girl’s father then reveals their purpose formally. After the settlement of terms, the eldest among the girl’s party hands over the amount to the eldest among the boy’s party.

The conversation among the groups is at times in a symbolic language. The bride may be spoken of in terms of land or a plantain tree, suggesting the notion of fertility. This habit is pronounced among tribals. The Irulapallar of Coimbatore District adopt this way of asking for a girl in marriage and put it in the form of a song (Peri¡½war n.d., Vol. 19: 209).

The priests announce the purposed marriage in their parish, according to Christian tradition and the Bible. The two families are expected to remit a specific amount to the church, which is shared among the priest, the accountant, the church choir and others. The priest then conducts the ritual called v¡rtha p¡¶u to assess the bride’s and the groom’s knowledge of the Commandments, of Holy Communion, of prayer routine, etc., and the supplement their evangelical knowledge. He educates the prospective couple on their roles and prepares them for a wedded life and to accept the responsibilities. This is normally done thrice, but there are exceptions due to exigencies. On the day of the first announcement in church, the bride and the groom wear new clothes and attend mass. The wedding invitations are usually extended after the first announcement.

GIFT

The gift to souls is a very important ritual among the Mukkuv¡r. It is performed in the boy’s house on the day prior to the wedding ceremony. It is an invitation and invocation to the ancestors, seeking their blessings. It consists of a prayer and of the giving of a feast to some poor people who are assumed to be the ancestors. A fest for relatives is included. This ritual is performned in the bride’s house also. It is a common ritual among many communities, including Brahmins, who call it n¡ndhi.

The shaving ritual, a formal one, is performed by the local barber on the bridegroom in the presence of relatives. The barber is presented with now clothes and is given Rs. 25 by the groom. Visitors also place token gifts of money in the ceremonial cup kept for the purpose. In addition, the barber is given a packet of food and groceries.

The day of the wedding begins with the groom presenting his uncles, aunts, brothers, sisters and others with new clothes. All of them then go to the bride’s place. The bridegroom’s party is received with honour and courtesy. The bride’s uncle, brothers and other relatives welcome them with sandalwood paste, rose-water and garlands. The girl’s brother presents gold chain to the bridegroom, who reciprocates by gifting a gold ring. The bridegroom is taken in a procession to the bride’s place to await the emergence of the bride. All then go to the church.

The couple are seated in the special chairs brought from the bride’s place (see chapter 1) and placed in front of the altar. The solemnization and mass are then conducted by the priest. The conventional t¡li, the ‘sacred tie’, is blessed by the priest and handed to the groom, who ties it around the neck of the bride at the appointed auspicious time. This is followed by the traditional prayer and mass of Christians, at the end of which the newly-weds are taken to the bride’s place and seated on a decorated pedestal.

The bride’s mother gives the couple a preparation called p¡ch°¼u, made of boiled rice, coconut, jaggery, etc. The groom is expected to present his mother-in-law with money for this. p¡ch°¼u, for the Mukkuv¡r, is associated with new life: it is cooked also whenever a new net or a new boat is commissioned. (It is similar to what is offered to deities in Tamil Nadu in the form of ponkal). The p¡ch°¼u is not consumed by the couple, not even tasted.

Closely following this, the priest offers prayers and blesses the couple, after which come blessings from relatives and friends. Children shower flowers and greet the couple, singing chorals. The wedding cake is cut by the couple. The couple are then taken into the house and all the guests are given the wedding feast. The guests slowly withdraw and return to their homes. The bride’s brothers and the groom’s sisters apply oil to the foreheads of the groom and the bride respectively, forming part of another ritual. The groom’s parents and relatives then adjourn to their homes, leaving the groom in the bride’s residence, where he is expected to stay for 3 to 7 days.

The groom’s sisters return to the bride’s place on the fourth day after the wedding for the ritual called n¡lu ka«ittal after the day on which it is done. Of late this ritual is being done on the very next day after the wedding. This ritual consists of an oil bath, being given to the couple, in the same day as on the wedding day, and the presentation of new clothes. The groom’s sisters are treated to a feast, after which they return to their home.

The final phase of the rituals associated with the wedding comes generally on the fifth or the seventh day after the wedding. This is a ritual connected with the taking of the bride to the husband’s house. The relatives of the boy come to the bride’s house with auspicious things like plantain bunches. The newly-weds are sent to the husband’s house at an auspicious time along with new vessels, groceries, fruits, sweets, etc. The next visit of the bride to her natal home is at the first Christmas after the wedding.

Separation, transition and incorporation — the ‘rites of passages’ — occur in the rituals of Mukkuv¡r weddings. The engagement ritual prepares the bride and the groom to be accepted in the new setting, separating them from their own settings. The lag between the engagement and the wedding in the church is interpreted as a transition period. Finally, incorporation is confirmed by the v¡rtha p¡¶u by the parish priest. Society then accepts them as a couple, husband and wife.

DEATH AND FUNERAL RITES

Death, the leveller, to whom sceptre and crown must bow down, is also observed with a few rites and rituals by the Mukkuv¡r. Death is bemoaned, the funeral is attended with the same serenity as among this sect of Christians, with due Catholicity, observing traditional rites, a few of them suggesting relics of tribals. The Mukkuv¡r, professedly Catholics, retain some of the Hindu rites and rituals prevailing elsewhere in Tamil Nadu. It is the duty of the barber in the village to convey the news of the death to the relatives. This is called mar¡yam among Hindu communities, although other means of quick communication have virtually taken over this role. The parish priest is also informed and the church going tolls. On hearing the news, relatives assemble in the house of the deceased. While the males condole the death, the womenfolk lament loudly.

The body of the deceased is prepared for the funeral, the rituals beginning with a sacred bath signifying purifications and absolution from sins. The parish priest sprinkles holy water on the body. The widow of the deceased is brought near him and to wear a black scarf by the deceased’s sister, after the t¡li has been removed. The widow is taken to a corner of the house and is isolated totally for eight days. The cortege moves to the cemetery after a short mass in the church. This mass is conducted with the aim of enabling the soul of the deceased to reach God. Similar rituals are done when a wife dies. At this time new clothes are also given to the in-laws. It is to be noted that a man is not subjected to isolation when his wife dies.

The funeral is attended by all relatives. After the coffin is buried in the cemetery they return to the house of the deceased. Where there is a ritual called mu¼ai ka½ittal. This is mainly the smearing of oil among the in-laws of the deceased, man or woman. After this the menfolk go to the river for bathing. They return and put on the new clothes already presented to them. After a formal drink called ilavu kanchi, they leave. The barber takes away all the things used by the deceased and throws them in the sea. He is paid Rs. 40 by convention.

The obsequies and associated rituals are performed on the third, eighth and sixteenth days. On the third day after the bereavement, the widow’s brothers come to her house with 21 balls of estables and rice gruel. The lady is given an oil bath and the rice gruel, etc. She is also given a new saree. On the eighth day a memorial service is held. On the sixteenth — or sometimes the thirtieth — day, a tomb with a cross is built. On this day all relatives are invited for a feast. The feast consists mainly of dishes which the deceased liked. Usually one person is taken to be the ‘soul’ of the dead person and is entertained first; only then are the others fed. Before eating they pray for the soul of the dead, this ritual being called "gift to soul".

The Mukkuv¡r do not bury children who die before baptism in the cemetery. They are interred in their house yards. The eldest child of a family, even when baptized, is not taken to the cemetery but is burried in the back yard of the house.

The stage of separation is marked by death and by burial at the physical level. The Puthur Christians believe that the dead person’s soul travels to Purgatory first and later to Heaven or Hell. To enable the soul to reach Heaven, a copy of the Bible is placed between the dead person’s hands. Personal articles are also placed in the coffin. Van Gennep makes the following observation regarding this custom:

What is important to us in this case is that since the deceased must make a voyage, his survivors are careful to equip him with all the necessary material objects — such as clothing, food, arms and tools as well as those of a magico-religious nature — amulets, passwords, songs etc. — which will assure him of a safe journey or crossing and a favourable reception as they would a living traveller (Gannep, 1977: 153–54).

This ‘transition’ journey ends in the incorporation of the soul among its ancestors. The rituals of the eighth and sixteenth days after death are intended to facilitate this incorporation.

Certain practices clearly denote the status of the widow. The Mukkuv¡r remove the t¡li (nuptial knot); the Jalari fisherfolk of Andhra Pradesh denude the widow of her bangles and t¡li on the seashore (Kodanda Rao 1990: 55); the Kanikkarar community make the bereaved wife sit beside the corpse while an aged woman snaps the t¡li and throws it before the dead husband. This custom serves the personal relationship of husband and wife and confers widowhood. In Puthur widows are considered polluted for the first eight days after the husband’s death. This is the period of transition. After ceremonies she is again incorporated in the society.

Loss of life is compensated by material benefits. When a man dies, his brothers are provided with new clothes by his widow’s siblings. Likewise, clothes are given to a dead woman’s brothers. Compensation also takes the form of a common feast, clothes, ornaments, etc.

Magic engaged the serious attention of primitive man for quite some time, until ideas of religion and God came to him (Chattopadhyaya 1964: 37) Magic survived and made incursions into religion also, constituting its magic-religious part. This came to be called ritual. A definition of what is magic and what is not, is difficult. The relationship of magic to religion and to science has been the subject of much debate among students of anthropology, sociology and magic itself. Sit J.G. Frazer, whose influence is widespread, believed magic to be a preliminary stage in the development of religion. To Frazer, magic is compulsion and religion is propitiation: the two exist side by side.

If we analyse the principles of thought on which magic is based, they will probably be found to resolve themselves into two: first, that like produces like, that an effect resembles its cause, and second, that things which have once been in contact continue to act on each other at a distance after physical contact has been severed. Frazer calls these the "law of similarity" and the "law of contact or contagion" (Frazer 1976: 52–53). From the first of these the magician infers that he can produce any effect he desires merely by imitating it; from the second he infers that whatever he does to a material object will affect equally the person with whom the object was once in contact, whether or not it formed part of his body. Frazer termed these "Homoeopathic Magic" and "contagious magic". The same principles are implicitly believed by the magician to regulate the operations of inanimate nature.

The Mukkuv¡r retain some of these old beliefs. Magic has an important place in their life. It is considered to be either positive or negative. Positive magic is intended to achieve something, while negative magic is meant to prevent something. A taboo that prevents some action by a person is positive rather than negative magic, for the breaker of the taboo is punished by having something done to him. Magic is also either black or white. Black magic is evil, for it calls into play unsanctioned forces and beings or aims at illness, injury, maiming death, dissolution of property and so on. White magic performs wonders or cures without the invocation of dark powers.

Among the Puthur Mukkuv¡r one can observe these four types of magic applied to various aspects of their life, avocation, marriage, ailment and general prosperity. Rituals and magical words for the general good of an individual or a group — that is, white magic — are often seen in the fields of agriculture, hunting, fishing, medicine and warface (Johnson 1980: 413).

Family feuds, ferquent ailment to children in a family, untimely death of herds and milch animals, failure or loss of careers, delay in auspicious things like weddings in a family, etc., are attributed to spirits and ghosts. This is common belief among Hindus, Christians and Muslims in Tamil Nadu and varies only in degree. The Mukkuv¡r performs some magical rites to be free from spirits. They take people believed to be possessed by spirits to a magician in Ka]tiapa]t]ti]nam, who prays to St. Anthony and prepares a talisman to be worn by the individual. Chantings carved in copper plate rolled in the talisman are believed to dispel evil aimed at the individual. The person who takes the talisman is expected to pray to St. Anthony for thriteen days. The magician has to observe an absolutely celibate life, and has to chant prayers 1008 times daily, in order to gain adequate strength and potency for his magic.

Magicians try to nullify the evil effects of black magic. Talismsans are used to protect people from these as well as to help them in their normal lives. These talismans are usually tied with black thread. The Mukkuv¡r and the magicians believe in the efficacy of the colour black in removing their difficulties. The Christians also believe that spirits cannot come near the Holy Cross, so most of them wear a crucifix. The cross is respected and feared as well. People professing other religions exploit this belief of the Christians. Stretches of land with coconut plantations along the coast and adjoining the lagoons are mostly owned by N¡¶¡rs. The Mukkuv¡r used to steal coconuts from these plantations. The N¡¶¡rs hit upon the idea of carving the cross on all the coconut trees. Those who respect the cross dare not put their feet on it by climbing a tree.

The Mukkuv¡r also resort to magic for creativity, fertility, productivity and prosperity. They adopt homoeopathic magic to ensure rains, crops, fishing and progeny. If imitative magic, working by means of images, has been commonly practised for spiteful purposes, it has also been employed with benevolent intentions. The Mukkuv¡r apply the principle of imitative magic, like produces like, to procure offspring. Barren women offer toy cradles, baby dolls, etc. in church, seeking offspring. This is common among many peoples in Kanyakumari.

Magical rites are performed on the same mimetic lines in fishing too. On the completion of a new net, the Mukkuv¡r perform magical rites to ensure a good catch as well as to ward off the evil eye. The artisan (ma¶ikketti) takes the newly made fishing net to the shore, spreads it out, and scatters bits of jaggery and pieces of coconut kernel. Later he rolls the net, takes it home and places a hatchet on it. The throwing of jaggery and coconut on the shore causes a huge crowd of children to collect. The belief is that this imitative magic will make fish flock to the net. The placing of a hatchet on the new net is to mitigate the effect of the evil eye.

The artisan and the owner leave early the next morning, carrying in six small containers the special offering made of boiled rice, jaggery and coconut. On the shore, the net is again spread and half of the offering is throw over it. Children again collect as on the previous day. The net is then rolled up and they set sail for fishing. The food remaining is thrown into the sea as an offering. After the day’s fishing, a portion of the maiden catch of the new net is thrown in the air in all directions, to be taken by birds. The artisan is given a quantity of fish and the traditional wage. New nets are generally put to use in the months when catches are large.

The Puthur fishermen perform similar imitative rites when they commission a new fishing boat. On the maiden launch of the new boat, plantains and sugar are distributed to all. The fishermen believe that just as all feel happy on that occasion, they will also be happy with the new boat in the days to come. The bunch of bananas is carried in the new boat and thrown into the sea. Shark oil is applied all over the outride of the boat in the belief that its smell will charm the fish. Certain rites commonly performed by other communities in Tamil Nadu can also be seen among the Mukkuv¡r. For example, the parish priest is invited to sprinkle holy water into the sea when fish become very scarce.

Protective magic is meant to guard against the evil eye and ‘shadow evil’. Adults, children, and also inanimate objects like fishing nets and boats are believed to need such protection. The Mukkuv¡r observe the principle of ‘contagion’. They tie a piece of alum, chillies and limes with a black cord and hang it in the house. The evil spell on the children is believed to be transferred to these objects. It is plain that superstition rests on the ‘law of contact’. In this process of transference of evil, animals, birds and some other articles are used by the Mukkuv¡r. For instance, a coin is fastened to a child’s hand for three days. The child is then seated in front of a palm-leaf that has tasty food spread on it. This leaf, with the food in it, is rolled and waved around the head of the child by the magician. The coin fastened for the previous three days is removed and put in it. Finally the magician throws the leaf, with all the food and the coin, in a burial ground without being seen by anyone. Evil is believed to be mitigated by taking away the coin which was in contact with the child, as well as the food, which the child is believed to have consumed by a kind of optical illusion.

A few other rites are employed to cure children believed to be ailing due to the evil eye. An areca-nut slicer is soaked in water for a long time and then the ailing child is bathed in that water. There is another unique rite to cure children supposed to be suffering from the evil eye. Two of the child’s uncles stand on opposite sides of the door of the house, holding a dhot¢ like a cradle. The child is placed in the dhot¢. The uncles gently toss and roll the improvised cradle such that the child is swung across the threshold.

Another belief is that the shadows of polluted women, will cause ill health in children, calling this "shadow evil". This evil is removed by a rite involving holy water, which to them can be nothing but sea water. The maternal uncle of the child goes early in the morning to the sea, unseen by anyone. He stands on the shore holding a small vessel and counting the number of times the waves touch his feet. On the count of seven he fetches water from the sea in the vessel. The child is then bathed in that water. The shadow of a couple in coitus is believed to cause ill health to children, which must be countered similar magical rites. These practices are found among agriculturists as well as Muslims in southern Tamil Nadu, according to T. Gnanasekaran (1987: 28–29).

Some taboos among the Mukkuv¡r have the significance of magical rites. They have a belief that certain birds can cause harm to unborn children. If a pregnant woman is seen by an owl returning from the sea, it causes ‘bird evil’, which can affect the larynx and vocal chords of the child. This is why pregnant women are prevented from going outdoors after dusk. They adopt a rite to cure a child who has come under ‘bird evil’. Castor oil is applied to the body of the child, which is made to lie on a mat. Then a toad is buried alive in the backyard. After some time the child is bathed at that spot.

The Puthur fishermen believe that their catches dwindle whereever the evil eye is cast on their nets. Sometimes they make fish curry from the catch in that net, and give it along with rice to a dog. Only if the dog eats it do they think there is no evil eye on the net. There is a magical rite to protect a net. A virgin is asked to grind Acorus calamous and coconut and mix them in water. This solution is sprinkled on the net on the shore, early in the morning. The Mukkuv¡r believe that the virgin’s grinding does all the magic: she does not have to utter a word.

The Mukkuv¡r believe that if a woman accosts a fisherman going towards the shore with his net or if she says anything before he leaves for fishing, the evil eye is invoked. To avert this, fishermen leave quite early in the morning with their nets and other implements. Leaving them on the shore, they return home for the morning meal. The women normally stay in the rear portion of the house and do not go to see the menfolk off to their fishing.

In northern Kerala, a barren jack tree is made to yield fruit by having a naked boy hit at its trunk with a pestle during a solar eclipse (Nambiar 1986: 66). Parallel to this is a practice among farmers in Kanyakumari District. A peasant reaches for a hatchet and raises it to strike at an unyielding jack tree. The other pleads, "Don’t chop! don’t chop! The tree will yield next year." This play-acting is repeated three times in the hope of a good yield the following year.

The evil eye affects not only nets and implements but also humans. A gluttonous child experiences the bad effects produced by the hungry eyes of others. To remove this, cooked rice and fish are smeared on the belly of the child. After reciting a hymn to the Holy Mother seven times, the food is given to a dog. This is believed to reduce the ill effects. When an adult is affected, some pepper and salt are waved around the patient’s head, smeared on the belly and later put in the fire after making the patient spit in it. During this, the hymn to the Holy Mother is chanted in the reverse order.

In the above practices there is evident an attempt to transfer evil effects to inanimate or non-human things. ‘Shadow evil’ is transferred to sea water, ‘bird evil’ to the toad buried in the sand, the evil eye on fishing nets to holy water or to the leaves of erukku, a milky shrub, that on humans to pepper, salt, etc., Children’s ailments are transferred to the silver coin tied on the wrist, and the evil eye to the water used to soak, an areaca-nut slicer or to the dhot¢ of the maternal uncle. Primitive man also believed that his burdens and problems could be easily transferred to other living creatures like animals and plants.

Magical rituals aimed at the transfer of evil are also prevalent among the farmers of Tamil Nadu. Coconut, egg, lemon, salt and pepper are largely used in these rites. Coconut and egg are made to touch the affected person’s body or are waved around the head so that the evil effects are transferred to them. When they are later broken, the bad effects are also destroyed (A. Sivasubramanian 1988: 34–35).

The Mukkuv¡r attempt to harm, injure or destroy their enemies through the application of the principle of imitative magic and also on the principle of contagious magic. They sometimes employ sorcerers, who make images of the enemies in wax, clay, flour, etc. A needle is run into the head, heart, or stomach of the image, believing that the victim will at the same moment be seized with excruciating pain in the corresponding part of his body. Another familiar example of contagious magic is the sympathy which is supposed to exist between a man and any severed portion of his person, such as hair or nails. Whoever gets possession of the severed parts may work his will, at any distance, upon the person from whom they were taken. A piece of clothing of the person who is to be enchanted or something that stands in relation to him, such as his excrement, the refuse of his food, his spittle, his footprints, etc., can be employed as the medium for a charm, combined with an incantation or the murmuring of a certain formula. This is said to have been known in India to sorcerers for thousands of years, and the practice is widely prevalent in Tamil Nadu. This charm combines homoeopathic and contagious magic, since the image which is made in the likeness of the enemy contains things which were once in contact with him (Siva Subramanian 1988: 28).

The Mukkuv¡r do not bury the eldest child in the cemetery because they fear that the liver, spleen, skull, etc., may be stolen and used for black magic. Though the people of Puthur have faith in black magic, they have not developed it as an art or science among themselves. They hire people from outside the villages to achieve their ends.

To the Mukkuv¡r, life centres around fish and nets. The first thing they attempt against their foes is to jeopardise their fish catch. With the intent of impeding an enemy’s catch of fish, they will stealthily take two or three fish from his net, scorch them in fire, and throw them into the sea, muttering thrice that there should be no catch on that day. It is believe that the sacred sea does not tolerate an evil like the killing of a few fish, and that all the fish in it will die. This magic is based on the principle ‘like produces like’. That imagination can control ground reality is the prime principle of magic (Thompson 1980: 11).

Farmers in Kanyakumari District also believe in black magic and in taboos based on the homoeopathic influence of people on vegetation. For example, while eating jackfruit or mango one is not supposed to spit pips at the trees. If one does this, the tree may grow but will yield no fruit. Similarly, coconut trees may wither when the shells of coconuts are beaten against them or when two broken pieces of coconut are joined.

Certain rites are based on the principle that articles used by men or women can be used to make potent charms. In the Puthur fishing community there exist practices bordering on black magic. In order to bewitch or entice a man or to prolong an extra-marital relationship, a woman may prepare a kaivalayam or love potion. She goes this by grinding a piece of her fingernail, a piece of used tampon, mustard unbroken or unfried while seasoning, and rice found in salt. The paste is mixed with the food of the paramour, and it is believed that after taking it he can never desert the woman. There are methods to detect whether one has fallen prey to such a love potion. A paste of coriander and water is smeared on the chest of the person. If it dries up, he is unaffected; but if it remains moist, the reverse is true.

The person is made to bite and chew herbal root. If it tastes sweet to him, he is believed to be under the influence of a love potion. A person so affected is taken to a doctor belonging to a different community. The doctor induces vomiting or diarrhoea to ward off the effect.

A love potion to entice women is commonly prepared in Tamil Nadu with donkey’s semen. It is to be applied to the woman’s forehead. Another variety is made by drying and powdering a chameleon’s head. The powder is mixed with semen and applied to the woman forehead Siva Subramanian (1988: 29). According to Gnanasekaran (1987: 91–101) many such potions are used in Vadanapatty, a village in Tamil Nadu.

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