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Cultural Pluralism, National Identity and Development 

The Indian Case

A. R. Momin

Every civilization evolves certain unique features of its own which, in their entirety and inter-relatedness, constitute its dominant configuration and differentiate it from other civilizations. Indian civilization is distinguished from other civilizations of the world in respect of its continuity and heterogeneity, its accommodating ethos and its composite character.

Since the middle of the second millennium bc, Indian civilization has played host to several streams of migrant groups and communities from different parts of the world. The advent of the Aryans, the Tibeto-Burman speaking Mongoloid groups, the Kushans, the Sakas, the Greeks, the Huns, the Arabs, the Persians, the Turks and the Mongols at different points of time testifies to the pervasiveness of the migration process during the successive periods of Indian history. The migrant groups and communities brought their respective traditions and behaviour patterns from their native lands. In the course of time they lost contact with their places of origin and underwent an extensive process of indigenization. The process of adaptation and interaction among the various groups brought about, on the one hand, India’s characteristic diversity and, on the other, a composite cultural tradition. This fact is borne out by historical sources and contemporary surveys as well as researches in folklore.

The composite fabric of Indian civilization has been woven with strands and shades of varying textures and colours. It is no exaggeration to say that since ancient times India has represented a melting-pot of races and cultures. Indian civilization may be likened to an expansive river and the various cultural traditions within its confines to streams or tributaries which join the river at different points and thereby give it a distinctive character.


Archaeological evidence points to the existence of commercial and cultural relations between the borderlands of north-western India and Iran and Central Asia even before the dawn of the Harappan Culture.1 The Harappan civilization had extensive trade and cultural contacts with Mesopotamia, Persia, Afghanistan and the Mediterranean world. The process of acculturation which was set into motion as far back as the third millennium bc continued unabated during the successive periods of Indian history and led to the intermingling of a variety of cultural traits and features. Among other things, the Indian astronomical lore was influenced by the Babylonian arithmetical system as well as the Greek geometrical system.2

Successive waves of Aryan-speaking people from Central Asia began entering India from the middle of the second millennium bc. It is interesting to note the close parallel, testified by philological evidence, between Vedic deities and ancient Iranian as well as Hittite deities.3 There are frequent references in Vedic literature to the migration of foreign people, who are described as Mleccha.4 The Atharva Veda refers to the Vratyas who were outside the fold of Hinduism. The Brahmans made considerable efforts to draw them to the mainstream of Vedic society.5 The Mahabharata refers to the Yavanas (Ionians or Greeks) who are later mentioned by Panini in the fourth century bc. The Sakas (Scythians) who entered India around the first century bc established their kingdom in India and were accorded a Kshatriya status.6

Four important and interrelated dimensions of the process of acculturation in ancient India deserve mention. One of them is the diffusion of cultural traits and technology; the second relates to miscegenation; the third comprises the process of Aryanization or Sanskritization; and the fourth refers to the incorporation and assimilation of regional, as well as foreign, beliefs, rituals and customs.

The Aryan-speaking people introduced the horse-drawn chariot and iron in India. They had probably learnt the use of iron from the Hittites towards the end of the second millennium bc.7 On the other hand, advanced plough-agriculture, which was known to the Indus people, was borrowed by the Aryans.8

The classical literature provides ample evidence of the extent of inter-marriages between the Aryans and other groups, both indigenous and foreign. The Vedic texts refer to Aryans of Dasa descent, the dasiputra Brahmans, who were a progeny of Brahmans and slaves.9 The non-Sanskritic names of several prominent Brahmans in Vedic literature and the Puranic tradition indicate racial admixture. Later Indian sources mention the Abhira Brahmans, who were contemptuously described as Mleccha because they were a product of inter-marriages between Brahmans and the Ambasastha caste.10 Similarly, a seventh century inscription from South India mentions the Boya Brahmans, the Boyas otherwise being described as a Shudra tribe.11

There were inter-marriages between the Brahmans and the forest-dwelling Naga tribe. It is significant that Naga genealogies and myths are accorded a prominent place in the opening canto of the Mahabharata.12 It is also interesting to note that in the folk tradition some of Krishna’s sixteen thousand wives seem to be of foreign extraction.13 One can discern a reflection of social reality in the mythological tradition.

The Sama Veda refers to a ritual whereby non-Aryans were admitted into the mainstream of Vedic society. There are frequent references in the early sources to non-Aryan Brahmans. Manu mentions that several foreign tribes who had entered India at different points of time and came into contact with the Aryan-speaking people were accorded a place within the fold of Hindu society.14 The process of Aryanization or Sanskritization often entailed the adoption of Sanskrit names, rituals, customs and habits. However, it did not always bring about uniformity and homogenization. Often, the adoption of Brahmanical customs and features was a selective process. Furthermore, it was often blended with regional customs. For example, the Brahmanical institution of gotra was adopted by non-Brahman, including tribal communities in different ways. In some cases, Brahmanic and regional gotras were blended. In some communities the gotra exists only nominally and does not entail exogamy.

From early times, tribal and folk cults and ritual practices were incorporated and assimilated into the corpus of Brahmanism. Totemic deities such as fish, tortoise and boar were made into incarnations of Vishnu.16 Shiva was formed by a fusion of the Vedic Rudra with some non-Aryan deity, including the Indus deity which has been described as proto-Shiva.17 Similarly, Narayani and Durga, manifestations of Shiva’s consort, which were associated with non-Aryan tribes, later came to be absorbed into classical Hinduism.18

The cult of sun-worship was brought to India by the Magas who came to India around the first century bc from Sakadvip or Persia. Initially, they were not admitted to all the rituals and ceremonies but subsequently they came to be absorbed into the mainstream of Vedic society and known as Sakadvip or Maga Brahmans.19 The Krishna cult was substantially expanded and enriched by the Abhiras, who were a foreign pastoral tribe.20 The deities of tribals and low-caste groups were absorbed by Brahmanism. This is testified by the popularity of the Jagannath cult in Orissa and that of Viththala in Maharashtra.21 Similarly, serpent worship and phallus worship which later found their way into classical Hinduism were taken over from forest-dwelling tribal communities.22 Heterodox sects and cults, such as Shakta and the Tantric tradition, incorporated several esoteric features from indigenous, particularly tribal cultures.23

The incorporation and assimilation of regional features into the mainstream of Vedic culture is attested by linguistic and philological evidence as well. Certain kinds of echo formations which are characteristic of the Austric family of languages found their way into the Indo-Aryan speeches. The presence of non-Aryan elements, especially Proto-Dravidian, in vocabulary, syntax and phoenetics, in Vedic Sanskrit is now fairly well established. The later Vedic texts indicate an even greater admixture of non-Aryan words.24

The foregoing discussion makes it fairly clear that from very early times Vedic society was internally differentiated and pluralistic, rather than monolithic and homogeneous. It was an amalgam or synthesis of Aryan and non-Aryan, including tribal elements. In other words, since its very inception Hinduism appears to be a "mosaic of distinct cults, deities, sects and ideas", as Romila Thapar puts it.25 The point which I have tried to establish is that since ancient times Indian civilization has had a pluralistic and composite character, the pluralistic and composite ethos of Indian civilization, which began germinating during the Vedic period, was supp-lemented by the rise of Buddhism and Jainism, and was further reinforced during the early medieval period which witnessed the early flowering of the Bhakti Movement. This composite tradition attained efflorescence during the late medieval period.


A certain dialectic or complementary between pluralism and syncretism seems to pervade the fabric of Indian civilization. Three interrelated themes or dimensions of this dialectic may be delineated: (a) pan-Indian, (b) within the fold of Hinduism, and (c) the regional context. The pan-Indian, civilizational dimension of cultural pluralism and syncretism encompasses racial diversity and admixture, linguistic heterogeneity as well as fusion, and variations as well as synthesis in customs, behaviour patterns, beliefs and rituals.

Pluralism has been one of the quintessential features of Hinduism both at the metaphysical as well as socio-cultural level. At the metaphysical level, truth was considered pluralistic. For example, it is believed that if two Sruti traditions are in conflict, both of them are to be held as law. The inherently pluralistic ethos of Hinduism is reflected, on the one hand, in the wide and divergent range of beliefs and ideas and, on the other, in stratification, customs, traditions and behaviour patterns.26 Syncretism is conspicuously evidenced in the survival of non-Aryan deities, rituals and ceremonies in villages which have been the heartland of Aryan expansion.27 The epic tradition, in both textual as well as folk forms, bears the imprint of pluralism. For instance, the Ramayana has several variants or versions.28

The process of acculturation and integration has been extensively at work at the regional level. Though each group or community has a distinctive identity and ethos of its own, it does not exist in a social vacuum. Rather, it forms part of an extended and dynamic network. Often, interaction, exchange and integration characterize inter-community relations. The sharing of space, regional ethos and cultural traits cuts across religions and sectarian differences and binds the local people together.29

The distribution of material traits at the regional level indicates a certain complementarity in that it is marked by both local differentiation and inter-penetration. Often, a cluster or complex of material traits at the regional level unites different sections and communities.30

The unity of India is often assumed and taken for granted; it is seldom subjected to a critical examination in a diachronic framework. This is so because the sense of unity which pervades the fabric of Indian society is rather elusive, nebulous and enigmatic. Nevertheless, at the pan-Indian level, five interrelated sources of integration and unity may be delineated:

(a) Sanskritic Hinduism at the ideational and institutional levels and through a network of centres of pilgrimage,31

(b) a composite cultural tradition born out of the protracted interaction and exchange between Hindus and Muslims through the length and breadth of the country, which is best exemplified in the Sufi and Bhakti Movements,32

(c) patriotism and nascent nationalism, which emerged during the War of 1857 and culminated in the freedom struggle,33

(d) the secular-democratic ethos of modern India which is enshrined in the Constitution of the country, and

(e) the country-wide process of modernization which was set into motion during the British period and which got accelerated in the post-Independence period.

The above-mentioned themes or currents have a wide geographical and cultural distribution and are manifested both at the macro as well as micro levels.

Since the late medieval period witnessed a creative synthesis of Hindu and Islamic civilizations and thus represents the zenith of India’s composite tradition, it merits some elaboration. The protracted interaction between Hindus and Muslims gave rise to what may be termed the Indo-Islamic tradition. There are two interrelated dimensions of the Indo-Islamic tradition. On the one hand, it manifested itself in syncretistic traditions of music, art, literature and architecture.34 On the other, it found expression in folklore, dress patterns, food habits, names and surnames.35

The Sufis played a crucial role in the development of this syncretic tradition. Their broad human sympathies, their message of love and brotherhood and their identification with the poor and the dispossessed attracted thousands of people, Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs to their fold. Even now their shrines, which are located through the length and breadth of the country, are thronged by millions of people and thereby serve as focal points of integration.36 The Bhakti Movement, which had a far-reaching impact on Indian society during the medieval period, was significantly influenced by the ideals and precepts of sufism.


The question of nationalism and national identity is embedded in the broad context of Indian civilization. The foregoing discussion on the structure of Indian society is based on a dynamic and creative vision of civilization. A civilization should be seen, not as a closed system or a finished product, but as a dynamic and unfolding process. As Kroeber has perceptively remarked, what is characteristic of any civilization is not its being but its becoming.37 By virtue of its characteristic pluralism and its continuously evolving synthesis, India represents a nation in the making, a nation which is continuously unfolding its civilizational potentialities. This view is reflected in a statement of Jawaharlal Nehru to the effect that Indianness is a matter of feeling, a dream, a vision, and an emotion.

The view that nationalism and national identity are rooted in a broad civilizational framework should not make us oblivious of the role of primordial, ethnic, religious and regional identities. One of the remarkable achievements of Indian civilization lies in its tolerance and accommodation of diverse identities as well as the facilitation of a creative synthesis of these identities. This has been one of the major factors in the continued survival and resilience of Indian civilization. At the same time, one should not gloss over the fact that from time to time there have been conflicts between the over-arching national identity and sub-national identities. Similarly, sub-national identities sometimes tend to acquire rather pathological overtones and thereby threaten the unity and integrity of the country. This is true of communalism as well as other fissiparous tendencies. In recent years the distinction between the two has acquired a sharper edge. This phenomenon has global manifestations, as attested by the disintegration of the erstwhile Soviet Union and the continued ethnic strife in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In the prevailing climate of increasing democratization and collective self-consciousness, ethnic and other corporate identities cannot be suppressed for too long. What is therefore required, in the global context as well as in India, is a flexible and accommodating, rather than constructive and strait-jacketed, notion of national identity.

The issue of national identity in India is reflected in the secular-democratic framework which is enshrined in the republican Constitution of the country. The ideal of national unity is reinforced by cultural pluralism and the composite heritage of the country. It is foolhardy to suppose that there is perfect harmony between national identity as it is enshrined in the Constitution and the whole corpus of Indian tradition. Indian tradition has its blind spots as well: the scourge of caste and untouchability, degradation of women, child marriage and restrictions on widow remarriage, to mention a few. What is required is a critical re-interpretation of tradition in the light of cherished national goals. Therefore, the concept of national identity should be seen as essentially an ideal-critical concept which is embedded in a broad humanistic framework.

As an ideal-critical concept, national identity is to be safeguarded from external threats as well as internal corrosion and ossification. The latter variety of threat may arise from narrow chauvinism and cultural solipsism. In the present context, this kind of threat to India’s national identity has been posed by what has come to be known as the Hindutva syndrome. The ideology of Hindutva, as propounded and popularized by the right-wing political formations in contemporary India, entails three interrelated sets of fallacies. First, it presents a grossly over-simplified and distorted picture of an otherwise amorphous and pluralistic Hindu ethos. Secondly, with its accent on homogenization and regimentation and its misplaced identification between Hinduism and nationalism it tends to be xenophobic and exclusivistic, which is at variance with the spirit of Indian civilization. Thirdly, one can discern a hegemonic, tyrannical and even fascist streak-lurking behind the pseudo-nationalist rhetoric of Hindutva.35 Likewise, the political motivation of the movement is only thinly disguised.

The issue of national unity and integration is closely intertwined with cultural policy. A policy of integration, which discounts cultural pluralism and the composite character of Indian society and seeks to impose uniformity, homogenization and regimentation on the country’s heterogeneous population, will ultimately prove to be self-defeating. What is required is a humane vision of integration which would take due cognizance of India’s pluralistic ethos and at the same time strengthen the long-standing bonds and inter-linkages among the people, especially at the grass roots level. Indian society is to be seen, to use K.S. Singh’s evocative metaphor, as a honeycomb in which communities are engaged in vibrant interaction, sharing space, ethos and cultural traits.39


The notion of development in the Indian context should be viewed in tandem with cultural pluralism and national identity. It is worthwhile to bring out three inter-connected dimensions of development. The first of these is of a general nature. Civilizations do not emerge and develop in isolation. This has become a truism in our times, thanks to the process of globalization. In recent years, a serious rethinking of the notion of development and its linkage with human welfare has taken place. For too long development has been regarded as a fetish and modernization as the promised Messiah of mankind. The relevant question now is: development for what and for whom? The first part of the question focuses on a holistic and integrated perspective on development, and the second underscores a people-oriented approach. Development is now seen, not as an abstract ideal, but as a correlative phenomenon involving necessary reference to ecological balance as well as human resource development. The new vision of development stresses that the development process must take into active consideration people’s grass roots institutions and organizations and must enlist their initiative and participation. Furthermore, development cannot be measured in quantitative, statistical terms alone.40

Since the development process must ensure the participation of people at the grass roots level and take cognizance of their perceptions and felt needs, the question of development has to be closely linked to cultural policy. The cultural policy in respect of development needs to be embedded in the framework of cultural pluralism and democratic decentralization. A corollary of the above is that a policy which seeks to impose unitary solutions regardless of regional variations and specificities will prove to be counter-productive. Thus, though the policy for development needs to be attuned to national interests and aspirations, it can ill afford to ignore the culture-specific dimensions of development.41

To conclude: the interface of development and cultural identity in the Indian context has two interrelated dimensions: the pan-Indian, civilizational, on the one hand, and regional-cultural, on the other. At both the macro and micro levels, the development process needs to be informed and guided by the pluralistic and composite ethos of Indian society.


1. G. Possehl (ed.). Harappan Civilization, New Delhi, 1982, p. 79.

2. R.A. Jairajbhoy. Foreign Influence in Ancient India, Bombay, 1963, pp. 69-75; P.M. Joshi (ed.). Studies in the Foreign Relations of India, Hyderabad, 1975, p. 46.

3. K.C. Chattopadhyaya. Studies in Vedic and Indo-Iranian Religion and Literature, Vol. II, Varanasi, 1978, p. 43; D.D. Kosambi. The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India, Delhi, 1987, pp. 72-91.

4. R.S. Sharma. Sudras in Ancient India, Delhi, 1958, p. 32; Romila Thapar, "The Image of the Barbarian in Early India", In Ancient Indian Social History: Some Interpretations, New Delhi, pp. 152-92.

5. The noted Indologist Basham considers the Vratyas as one of the prototypes of the Gypsies who migrated to Europe during the Middle Ages. A.L. Basham; Classical Hinduism, Delhi, 1990, pp. 58-59.

6. Romila Thapar. Ancient Indian Social History, pp. 176-77.

7. D.D. Kosambi. The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India, Delhi, 1987, p. 77.

8. Romila Thapar. Interpreting Early India, Delhi, 1992, p. 11.

9. Romila Thapar. Interpreting Early India, p. 84; R.S. Sharma. Sudras in Ancient India. pp. 63-64.

10. Romila Thapar. The Past and Prejudice, New Delhi, 1975, p. 31.

11. Romila Thapar. Ancient Indian Social History, pp. 178-79.

12. D.D. Kosambi. The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India, p. 94; Romila Thapar, "Social Mobility in Ancient India", In Ancient Indian Social History, pp. 122-51.

13. D.D. Kosambi, op. cit. p. 116.

14. N.K. Bose. Society and Culture in India, Bombay, 1967, pp. 207-08; Romila Thapar. "The Study of Society in Ancient India", In Ancient Indian Social History, pp. 211-39.

15. G.S. Ghurye. Two Brahmanical Institutions: Gotra and Charana, Bombay, 1992; K.S. Singh. People of India: An Introduction, Calcutta, 1992, p. 56.

16. D.D. Kosambi, p. 170.

17. K.C. Chattopadhyaya. Studies in Vedic and Indo-Iranian Religion and literature, vol.II, pp. 47, 91-92; R.G. Bhandarkar. Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems, Straussburg, 1913, p. 104.

18. Romila Thapar. Interpreting Early India, pp. 178-79; J. Gonda. Vishnuism and Saivism: A Comparison, New Delhi 1976; S. Shivapadasundaram: The Saiva School of Hinduism, London, 1934.

19. R.G. Bhandarkar. Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems, pp. 153-55; Jairajbhoy. Foreign Influence in Ancient India, pp. 153; P.M. Joshi. Foreign Relations of India, p. 179; Benjamim Walker. Hindu World, London, 1968, vol. II, p. 3.

20. R.G. Bhandarkar. Vaisnavism, Saivism, pp. 37-38.

21. Some tribal communities have been associated with Hindu temples and shrines for a long time. The Todas of the Nilgiri Hills, for example, serve as palanquin-bearers of Shiva at the Bhavaneeshwar temple in Ooty. The Chenchus are attached to the Hindu shrine of Sri Sailam in Andhra Pradesh. The Savara tribe in Orissa has been associated with the Jagannath temple at Puri. In parts of Chota Nagpur, Central and the Western Ghats, the custodians of Shiva temples and shrines are tribals. The Sri Venkateshwar temple at Tirupati has been associated with the Kurumbas and Lambadis. The Yerukulas have been associated with the Sri Subramanyam temple of Palani and Tiruttani. K.S. Singh. Tribal Society, Delhi, 1985, p. 98; S.G. Tulpule, "The Origin of Viththala: A New Interpretation", In Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1977-78, vols. 58-59, pp. 1009-15; G.D. Sontheimer, "Some Memorial Monuments of Western India", In German Scholars in India, II. New Delhi, 1976.

22. R.G. Bhandarkar. Vaisnavism, Saivism, pp. 114-15.

23. John Woodroffe. Shakti and Shakta, Madras, 1951; Agehananda Bharati. The Tantric Tradition, London, 1965; S. Dasgupta. Obscure Religions Cults, Calcutta, 1962.

24. T. Burrow. The Sanskrit Language, London, 1965; M.M. Deshpande and P.E. Hook (eds.). Aryan and Non-Aryan in India, Michigan, 1979; Romila Thapar. Interpreting Early India, pp. 11, 94. It is interesting to note that the most commonly used word for plough in Vedic literature, Langala, is derived from Munda. Similarly, the word for rice, Vrihi, is of Dravidian origin. Romila Thapar. Ancient Indian Social History, p. 217.

25. Romila Thapar. Interpreting Early India, p. 68; Romila Thapar. "The Study of Society in Ancient India", In Ancient Indian Social History, pp. 211-39.

Interestingly, the word Hindu is of Persian origin. The Persepolis and Naqsh-i-Rustam inscriptions of Darius (died 486 bc) refer to the frontier regions of the Indus as Hindush. Later on, the term is frequently used in Arabic geographical and historical sources. D.C. Sircar. Select Inscriptions, vol. I, Calcutta, 1965, pp. 7; Andre Wink. Al-Hind. The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, Delhi, 1990, p. 5.

26. Irawati Karve. Hindu Society: An Interpretation. Poona, 1961, pp. 1-14.

27. McKim Marriott. Village India. Chicago, 1955, pp. 209-10.

28. Romila Thapar, "The Ramayana: Theme and Variations", In S.N. Mukherjee (ed.). Indian History and Thought, Calcutta, 1982, pp. 221-53; V. Raghavan (ed.). The Ramayana Tradition in Asia, Delhi, 1980; Paula Richman (ed.). Many Ramayanas, Delhi, 1992.

29. K.S. Singh. The People of India: An Introduction, pp. 96-101.

30. N.K. Bose. Peasant Life in India: A Study in Indian Unity and Diversity, Calcutta, 1961.

31. M.N. Srinivas. The Cohesive Role of Sanskritization and Other Essays, New Delhi, 1991; S.M. Bhardwaj. Hindu Places of Pilgrimage in India. Berkeley, 1973; B.N. Saraswati. The Spectrum of the Sacred, New Delhi, 1984.

32. Tara Chand. Influence of Islam on Indian Culture. Allahabad, 1936; H.K. Sherwani. Cultural Trends in Medieval India, Bombay, 1968; Yusuf Husain Khan. Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, Delhi; Aziz Ahmad. Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment. Oxford, 1964; Ashim Roy. Islamic Syncretistic Tradition in Bengal, Princeton, 1983; S.C. Misra. "Indigenization and Islamization in Indian History", In Secular Democracy (VII) 1974; A.R. Momin. "The Indo-Islamic Tradition", In Sociological Bulletin. 26 (2) 1977, pp. 242-58.

33. Bipan Chandra. India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin, 1989.

34. Interestingly, the Ramayana of Tulsidas contains scores of Arabic and Persian words. There are over thirty translations of the epic in Urdu and over a dozen in Persian. In some villages, the Ramayana is ritually recited before Hindu audiences by a Muslim sage. Not too long ago in imperial Delhi, a Hindu pandit taught the Quran to Muslim children. Even now in several villages of northern and western India Hindu bards and mendicants recite Muslim epics before Muslim, as well as Hindu audiences.

35. At the regional level, the penetration of the Indo-Islamic tradition is evidenced by linguistic diffusion. In Bengal and Orissa, for example, the commonly used word for prasad is Shirini, which is of Persian origin and which has the same connotation in Muslim usage. Similarly, the Persian word Pir, which refers to a spiritual mentor, is used in Hindu religious context as well. One comes across, for example, the name of Ramdev Pir. Likewise, the chief of a Nathpanthi akhada is known as Pir (G.S. Ghurye: Indian Sadhus, Bombay, 1953, p. 157).

Scores of names and surnames in India, which are largely derived from occupations, are originally of Arabic or Persian origin and thus betray the blending of Hindu and Muslim traditions. Consider, for example, the following occupational names: halwai, bafand, bawarchi, hajjam, bazaz, bazigar, daftari, madari, saraf, lashkari, noongar, rangrez, nilgar, sangtarash, munshi, khazanchi. These names are commonly found among Hindu as well as Muslim communities.

36. S.P. Jain. The Social Structure of Hindu-Muslim Community, Delhi, 1975; Christian W. Troll (ed.). Muslims Shrines in India, Delhi, 1989; Currie, Muinuddin Chishti of Ajmer, Delhi, 1991.

37. Quoted in N.K. Bose. Society and Culture in India, p. 289; A.L. Kroeber: An Anthropologist looks at History, California, 1963, pp. 4-5.

38. Jan Breman, "The Hindu Right: Comparisons with Nazi Germany", In The Times of India, March 15, 1993.

39. K.S. Singh. People of India: An Introduction, p. 98.

40. Michael M. Cernea (ed.). Putting People First. Second Edition, New York, 1991; J.V. Ferreira and A.R. Momin (eds.). Nemesis: Critical Perspectives on Modernization, Bombay, 1984.

41. A.R. Momin. "Social mobility and Development among the Tribal Communities of India." Paper presented at a seminar on Social Mobility and Development, organized under the auspices of the Joint Indo-Russian Commission in Moscow on September 27-30, 1992.


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